By RUDY D. LIPORADA
Dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos pales in comparison to President Rodrigo ‘Digong’ Duterte as recruiter for the New People’s Army (NPA).
When Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972, his main rationale was the existence of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), its armed NPA, what he called fronts of the CPP that were out to “subvert the duly constituted Republic of the Philippines.” Fronts would be the likes of the Kabataang Makabayan (KM), other youth organizations like the Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK), and other sectoral organizations like the Malayang Kilusan ng mga Kababaihan (Makibaka) and the Kapisanan ng mga Gurong Makabayan (Kaguma).
Another basis for Marcos declaring martial law was the Muslim secessionist movement in the south. Started as the Moro Independence Movement (MIM), which sought for an Independent Muslim nation composed of most of the provinces in Mindanao, it became the precursor of succeeding separatist movements with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) at the forefront.
During Marcos dictatorial regime, it is recorded that 34,000 were tortured, 70,000 incarcerated, and 3,240 were killed, salvaged or disappeared. Despite these numbers, thousands more from the declared illegal organizations went underground or went to the hills to join the NPA.
Although, before martial law, the NPA has just transferred its main operations from the central plains in Luzon to the rolling hills of the Cagayan Valley, the attempt of Marcos to clamp down on the revolutionary forces only resulted in the increase of the fighters. Even though short of stronger arms, the fanning out to the different provinces in the Philippines grew in earnest. The CPP then proved the Maoist theory that more repression like martial law only begets revolutionary fervor to spring from those repressed.
With all presidents after Marcos not really responding to the needs of the peasants as far as land reform is concerned; of the workers as far as industrialization is concerned; of the greater majority of the Filipinos as far as uplifting their overall livelihood, more recruits to the NPA came to the fore. Applying guerilla warfare they learned from Mao’s Red Army, Fidel Castro’s Cuban revolutionary forces, and North Vietnamese Army, the NPA grew their forces, armed to the hilt, and are now able to march in battalion sizes during their anniversaries and other special occasions if there is need to show their strength.
While during the Marcos regime, ambuscades, even isolated ones, against Philippine Government forces is huge news, nowadays, skirmishes appears to be just so ordinary. The NPAs are even able to have prisoners of war.
So, what will happen that Digong has now completely scuttled the Peace Talks and threatens to declare his brand of dictatorial so called revolutionary government?
Foremost, he has already killed more than the number murdered during the Marcos dictatorial regime. Although those Digong have ordered killed were in line with his Operation Tokhang and Double Barrel, there were those who were reported not to be even drug pushers or users at all. Already, there were reports of movement leaders already shot to death even without his revolutionary government.
With the revolutionary government, the current Philippine Constitution will be thrown out. Meaning, the military can do anything it wants, worse than the Marcos times. With Tokhang, the military could barge into any residence and shoot any suspected drug abuser. With the revolutionary government, the military can barge and shoot any suspected revolutionary.
Members of the now legal organizations like the Bayan Muna, Anakbayan, Gabriela, Migrante, Piston, or even religious organizations could be suspected as armed revolutionaries and could be shot at any time.
What are they to do? Like the activists during the Marcos regime, they will have no recourse but to go underground or run to the hills were the NPA forces will welcome them with open arms. They could even be readily armed unlike during the Marcos times were arms were not that abundant. And as there as many legal activists at this time ready or not ready to join the guerilla warfare, there will be more fronts more than ever all over the Philippines to accept them compared to the time of Marcos.
Clearly, Digong would not have learned from history. He boasts of his 170,000-strong military might. What is that when the Philippines is 115,000 square miles. Meaning, his soldiers, assuming they will all be combatants would only be able to deploy 1.5 soldier per square mile. Thus, if he concentrates a 500-battalion force in one area, he will leave 750 square miles open where the NPAs could operate. And when the government soldiers break into smaller forces, that’s when the NPA concentrate a larger force and ambush them.
So, what gives, Mr. President Duterte? Are you sure you really like to declare war against the NPA? You want to be a loser, more miserable than your predecessors, Marcos foremost?
I am almost sure that if Digong declares a revolutionary government which is actually martial law by any rose’s name, the NPA’s growth will be more than exponential. This will then hasten the fall of the status quo that the CPP and NPA had been venting to do for almost 50 years now.
Maybe this is what Digong meant when he said during his campaign that he is actually leftist, that he is actually against the American imperialists, that he will kick them out?
Lol. Jejeje! # nordis.net